#Togo # Nigeria #ECOWAS Duty and Right of Interference: Bomb #Niamtougou #Airport that is used to send #Jihadists and #weapons north of # Nigeria! #Security #WestAfrica #war

The Togolese Resistance demands that ECOWAS activate its military operational capability with the FCC Force to bomb the « terrorist » Niamtougou airport from which clandestine aircraft would go and serve to convoy jihadists and weapons to northern Nigeria!

Fighter/Attack Aircraft
F-7/J-7 Airguard
MiG-21 Fishbed
Transport Aircraft
Do 228
Do 28 Skyservant
C-130 Hercules
Trainer Aircraft
L-39 Albatros
Alpha Jet
SA.330L Puma
A 109
UH-1 Huey

Togo, for several years, is a significant contributor to the multinational forces of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. However, an almost unnoticed event raises questions about the sincerity of our commitments to the international community. This event concerns Faide Gnassingbe’s impromptu visit in 2016 to the wounded of Jabhat Al Nosra (now known as Fath Al-Sham), a branch of Syrian rebels allied with Al Qaeda and treated at Ziv Hospital in Israel.

One can legitimately ask the question of the diplomatic or security purpose of this visit to wounded without a real identity, some of whom are suspected to be Daesh soldiers.
Can we not be tempted to see in this unexpected visit to the wounded of Jabhat Al Nosra some form of allegiance to the terrorist Caliphate Daesh, the ideological and financial godfather of the Boko Haram sect operating in Nigeria, in order to obtain from the latter a commitment not to disrupt the Maritime Safety Summit scheduled to take place a few weeks later in Lome?
Would our Niamtougou Airport be used to transport jihadists and weapons to northern Nigeria?
This is not just a question of intellectual speculation, but of a serious matter concerning the security of our country, the West African subregion and the world. When a Head of State is going to bring his moral support, his compassion and perhaps the material or financial help to soldiers of terrorist organizations, our national community and beyond it all the international community must ask him to explain the objectives and also the results of this unusual and incomprehensible approach.
The right of interference is the recognition of the right of States to violate the national sovereignty of another State in the event of a massive violation of human rights. The duty of interference, meanwhile, is designed as more restrictive. It refers to the moral obligation of a State to provide assistance in the event of a humanitarian emergency. Neither the right nor the duty to interfere exists in international humanitarian law. The interference itself is not a definite legal concept. In common sense, it means to intervene, without being invited, in matters that are essentially within the national jurisdiction of a State.


The notion of humanitarian intervention is old. It takes up and broadens the notion of intervention of humanity that in the nineteenth century already authorized a great power to act in order to protect its nationals or minorities (religious for example) who would be threatened. In De Jure Belli ac Pacis (1625), Hugo Grotius had already mentioned a « right granted to human society » to intervene in the event of a tyrant « subjecting his subjects to treatment that no one is allowed to do » .


The idea of ​​humanitarian intervention was revived during the Biafran war (1967-1970) to denounce the immobility of the heads of state and government in the face of the terrible famine that the conflict had unleashed, in the name of non-interference. It is on this idea that several NGOs, including Médecins sans Frontières, have come together to defend the idea that a massive violation of human rights must lead to the questioning of the sovereignty of States and allow intervention external actors, including humanitarian.


The theory of the concept dates back to the 1980s. The philosopher Jean-François Revel was the first to evoke the « duty of interference » in 1979 in an article in the French magazine L’Express in 1979 devoted to the Central African dictatorships of Jean-Bedel Bokassa and Ugandan. Idi Amin Dada. The term was taken up by the philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy the following year about Cambodia and reformulated in « right of interference » in 1988, during a conference organized by Mario Bettati, professor of public international law and Bernard Kouchner French politician, former UN Special Representative in Kosovo and one of the founders of Médecins sans Frontières. Bernard Kouchner has been the main promoter since and Mario Bettati has participated in the dissemination of this concept in particular UN circles.

The concept of the right of interference aims to go beyond the traditional restrictive definitions of sovereignty to impose a « duty to assist people in danger ». Thus the doctrine of the « right of interference » is intended to subordinate the sovereignty of States interpreted as « a sort of wall safe from which anything can happen » according to Bernard Kouchner to a « morality of extreme urgency » to protect the fundamental rights of the person. The right of interference is part of a broader framework of redefining a world order ideally governed by the principles of democracy, the rule of law and respect for the human person. It tends to moralize international relations. The right of interference has placed humanitarian issues at the forefront of the political scene. It has been widely reported to NGOs, the media and the general public. But he also has many critics and has fueled a lively debate among humanitarians and lawyers.

MAIN INTERVENTIONS ON THE RIGHT OF INERENCE For the first time in the name of the right of interference, several Western states intervened in Iraqi Kurdistan in April 1991 after the Security Council invoked a « threat to peace ». and international security « (Security Council resolution 688). However, the humanitarian interventions, whether the operation « Restore Hope », conducted in Somalia from the end of 1992 (Resolution 794), Operation Turquoise led by France in Rwanda in 1994, or armed interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1994-1995, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Albania in 1997 or the dispatch of a NATO intervention force to Kosovo in 1999 also reveal ambiguity and complexity. interventions sometimes military as well as humanitarian.



LRL Airport Location

09-46-02.3886N (9.767330)
001-05-28.4998E (1.091250)
1515 feet MSL (462 m MSL)
Magnetic Variation: 
2.1 W (as of March 2018 from WMM2015 model)
Time Zone: 
UTC +0.0 (Standard Time)
UTC +0.0 (Daylight Savings Time)
From City: 
0 N.M. of Niamtougou, Kara Region

Lomé, Togo to Niamey, Niger and Hotel Terminus in Niamey ...

Date: Saturday 22 October 1977
Type: Silhouette image of generic CONI model; specific model in this crash may look slightly different
Lockheed L-749A-79-52 Constellation
Operator: Lanzair
Registration: N273R
C/n / msn: 2650
First flight: 1950
Crew: Fatalities: 0 / Occupants:
Passengers: Fatalities: 0 / Occupants:
Total: Fatalities: 0 / Occupants:
Airplane damage: Damaged beyond repair
Location: Lome Airport (LFW) (Togo)
Phase: Standing (STD)
Nature: Cargo
Departure airport: ?
Destination airport: ?

Destroyed by fire.






Type: Lockheed L-749A-79-52 Constellation Photographer: © Dominique Taupier
Registration: N273R Date: 19 MAR 1981
Operator: Lanzair Taken at: near Lome Airport (LFW)




Une réflexion sur “#Togo # Nigeria #ECOWAS Duty and Right of Interference: Bomb #Niamtougou #Airport that is used to send #Jihadists and #weapons north of # Nigeria! #Security #WestAfrica #war


Entrez vos coordonnées ci-dessous ou cliquez sur une icône pour vous connecter:

Logo WordPress.com

Vous commentez à l'aide de votre compte WordPress.com. Déconnexion /  Changer )

Photo Google

Vous commentez à l'aide de votre compte Google. Déconnexion /  Changer )

Image Twitter

Vous commentez à l'aide de votre compte Twitter. Déconnexion /  Changer )

Photo Facebook

Vous commentez à l'aide de votre compte Facebook. Déconnexion /  Changer )

Connexion à %s